Sunday, December 23, 2012

Denver Post Article Highlights Shift from "Mormon Moment" to Saints' Century



The Denver Post website posted today an article by religion editor Electa Draper, "LDS scholars: 'Mormon moment' could expand into cultural shift." (It will probably appear in today's or, more likely, tomorrow's print edition.) The article is based to a large extent on a detailed interview that Ms. Draper conducted with me in November; it also reproduces a diagram from my recent book, The Rise of the Mormons: Latter-day Saint Growth in the 21st Century (available in paperback and Kindle editions on Amazon; and in paperback from Barnes & Noble online).

This is no mere puff-piece. Ms. Draper also presents material from interviews and statements of other people, including the president of American Atheists.

All in all, this is a fine reading experience. Enjoy.

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Readers are welcome to comment on this post, below.

I invite you to become a “follower” of this blog through the box in the upper-right-hand corner of this page, to be informed of future posts.

I discuss the growth of the Church of Jesus Christ in my book, The Rise of the Mormons, published by Seventh Street Books. (Described here, available here.)

Mark Koltko-Rivera on Twitter: @MarkKoltkoRiver .

The “Mark Koltko-Rivera, Writer” page on Facebook:
http://www.facebook.com/pages/Mark-Koltko-Rivera-Writer/13487584827

Monday, December 3, 2012

From the Mormon Moment to the Saints’ Century



            Did the ‘Mormon moment’ conclude with the end of the 2012 U.S. Presidential campaign? Certainly any interest in the Latter-day Saints (LDS) that was fueled by the candidacy of Mitt Romney, a devout Mormon, has ended with his defeat. (Of course, ‘Mormon’ is a nickname for Latter-day Saint.) However, the Mormon moment resulted not just from Romney’s candidacy, but from a demographic trend that will only accelerate over the next few decades. The Mormon moment may be over, but the Saints’ century has just begun.

            In 1970, two years after Mitt’s father George Romney ran for the Republican presidential nomination, there were just over 2 million LDS in the United States, accounting for 1% of the American population at the time [see Note 1, below]. By contrast, in 2010, there were over 6 million LDS in the U.S., comprising almost 2% of today’s American population [2]. The LDS have shown a median annual net growth of 1.87% in the U.S. since 1991 [3], even while so-called “mainline” Christian denominations have shrunk, several to a membership less than the Mormons’ [4]. Of the four largest U.S. churches, the LDS were the only group to show an increase in American membership in 2010; the rest shrunk [5]. As non-LDS sociologist Rodney Stark put it, the fact “that the Latter-day Saints have overtaken such prominent and ‘traditional’ faiths as the Congregationalists, Presbyterians, Episcopalians, and even the Lutherans must be one of the most unremarked cultural watersheds in U.S. history” [6].

            But, for the Mormons, the best is yet to come. In early October of this year, Thomas S. Monson, President of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, announced changes in age requirements for the Mormon missionary corps. Now many young people may serve for two years soon after high school graduation. Applications for LDS missionary service went up 471% within weeks. Convert baptisms accounted for 70% of LDS growth worldwide in 2011 [7], so a major increase in the missionary force likely will lead to an upward bend in the LDS growth curve.

            As I show in my new book, The Rise of the Mormons: Latter-day Saint Growth in the 21st Century (described here, available here), conservative projections foretell immense Mormon growth throughout the 21st century, both in the U.S. and globally. In the United States, if the Saints continue to grow just at the rate that they did during the years 2001 through 2010—that is, if the Mormons just keep growing as they are right now— they will become the second-largest church in the country by 2090 [8] . If instead, with their larger missionary corps, the Saints return to the growth rates seen during the 1980s, the Latter-day Saints will become the single largest church in the U.S. by about 2105 [9].

            The global picture, if anything, is even rosier for the Mormons. Even if the Saints grow only at the relatively modest rates that prevailed in the mid-1950s, then the Mormons will come to outnumber the membership of any other Christian group in the world but the Roman Catholic Church, by about 2090 [10]. If instead, with that larger missionary force, the Saints grow as they did during the 1960s, then the Mormons will outnumber any other religious group in the world but Islam by 2120 [11].

            Other social trends favor LDS growth indirectly. A recent Pew survey found that the number of people unaffiliated with any religion has grown sharply in America over the last few years—but the unaffiliated are over 19% more likely to convert to the LDS faith than the general American population, as shown by other Pew data [12]. This finding may have international consequences. Rodney Stark has demonstrated that Europeans are not so much irreligious as unchurched—that is, unaffiliated [13]. This bodes well for future LDS missionary work in Europe, where Russia, for example, has seen its LDS population grow by over 80%—from 11 to 20 thousand—in a decade [14]. Mormon growth continues to be strong in Central and South America [15] and sub-Saharan Africa [16], where there are more Saints today in Nigeria alone than there were in Brigham Young’s Utah [17].

            Now would be a good time for the thoughtful public, academics, opinion leaders, and the press to learn more about what the Mormons are really about. As a Latter-day Saint myself, it has been disappointing over the last few years to see my co-religionists and our beliefs ridiculed in public forums, in ways that would never be tolerated if these comments were directed at, say, Jews or Muslims. Such ridicule is fueled by profound ignorance; a recent Brookings survey found that 82% of Americans know little or nothing about the Mormon religion. But the LDS faith—perhaps surprisingly, for some readers—has great philosophical and spiritual depth to it. And, heaven knows, there will be lots more Mormons around in years to come.

          Watch for my forthcoming four-part series in Meridian Magazine, in which I project the growth of the Church during the 21st century in the world and in the United States, I respond to many objections to my projections, and I describe what a “more Mormon” world would look like.

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I invite you to become a “follower” of this blog through the box in the upper-right-hand corner of this page, to be informed of future posts.

I discuss the growth of the Church of Jesus Christ in my book, The Rise of the Mormons, published by Seventh Street Books. (Described here, available here.)

Mark Koltko-Rivera on Twitter: @MarkKoltkoRiver .

The “Mark Koltko-Rivera, Writer” page on Facebook:
http://www.facebook.com/pages/Mark-Koltko-Rivera-Writer/13487584827


 
Copyright © 2012 Mark E. Koltko-Rivera. All Rights Reserved.

Notes

 
Note 1: The 1970 LDS population in the U.S. was 2,073,146 (Deseret News 1974 Church Almanac, p. 197; see References below for all cited sources). The U.S. population in 1970 was 203,211,926 (as shown by various public sources). This yields the 1970 LDS share of the U.S. population as 0.0102 = 1%.
 
Note 2: The 2010 LDS population in the U.S. was 6,144,582, a figure derived by adding the U.S. state totals for U.S. membership found in Deseret News 2012 Church Almanac, pp. 324-415; regrettably, the figure for the country overall that is printed in that source on p. 324 is an editorial error, and instead reproduces the LDS population in the U.S. current at year-end 2009. The U.S. population in 2010 was 308,745,538 according to U.S. Census data. This yields the 2010 LDS share of the U.S. population as 0.0196 = 2%.
 
Note 3: Author calculations (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, p. 86, Table 4-1) of the median annual net growth of the LDS, 1991-2010, calculating from data found in annual editions of the Deseret News Church Almanac dating from 1992-2012. For example, the net growth in 1991 was calculated by comparing the membership figures for 1990 and 1991.
 
Note 4: Author calculations (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, p. 86, Table 4-1) of the negative median annual net “growth” of the United Methodist Church, the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, the Presbyterian Church (USA), the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod, and the Episcopal Church, 1991-2010. These data were found in the annual editions of the Yearbook of American and Canadian Churches for the years 1992-2012. For example, the net “growth” in 1991 was calculated by comparing the membership figures for 1990 and 1991. Each of these groups had a smaller membership than the Latter-day Saints in 2010, the latest year for which data are available, as reported in Yearbook of American and Canadian Churches: 2012, p. 12, Table 2.
 
Note 5: See Yearbook of American and Canadian Churches: 2012, p. 12, Table 2, specifically the first four lines of data. These data reflect 2010 membership (Yearbook of American and Canadian Churches: 2012, p. 9).
 
Note 6: Stark makes this statement in Stark (2005) p. 140.
 
Note 7: Author calculations from data given in “Statistical Report, 2011” (2012). This source reports “new children of record during 2011” (i.e., babies born to LDS families) equal to 119,917, and “converts baptized during 2011” equal to 281,312. The sum of these two numbers represents gross LDS growth during 2011, and is equal to 401,229. The fraction of this number accounted for by the 281,312 convert baptisms is 0.7011, or just over 70%.
 
Note 8: Here’s how I calculated this:

a)     This is a summary of my low-growth American model (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 90, 91, 95). The median net annual American Mormon growth rate from 2001 through 2010, inclusive, was 1.67%; this was calculated from figures for American LDS membership given in the Deseret News Church Almanac editions for the years 2001 through 2012. The low-growth American model starts from a base of 6,144,582 American Mormons in 2010 (Deseret News 2012 Church Almanac; see Note 2 above). From this base, the low-growth American model posits that “the annual growth rate increases from 1.41% by an additional 0.01% per annum, until reaching a maximum of 1.67% in 2036. The per-decade growth rate thus rises from 17.96% in 2010 to 18.01% in 2045 and thereafter” (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, p. 90). This rate of growth leads to a projected LDS American membership of 22,388,442 by 2090 (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, p. 91).

b)     I compared projected LDS membership to the projected American membership of the largest non-LDS American churches for which membership figures were available in the editions Yearbook of American and Canadian Churches for the years 1992 through 2012; I used these figures to calculate the median annual membership change, 1991-2010, for these churches, and I used those change rates (for growth or decline) in projecting those churches’ likely growth year by year through 2120 (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 86, 93).

c)      The low-growth American model projected LDS membership that was larger than the membership of any non-LDS church, excepting only the Roman Catholic Church, by 2090 (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 91, 93).

Note 9: Here’s how I calculated this:

a)     This is a summary of my high-growth American model (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 90, 91, 95). The median estimated net annual American Mormon growth rate from 1981 through 1990, inclusive, was 5.18%; this was calculated from figures for American LDS membership given in the Deseret News Church Almanac editions for the years 1983 through 1992. The high-growth American model starts from a base of 6,144,582 American Mormons in 2010 (Deseret News 2012 Church Almanac; see Note 2 above). From this base, the high-growth American model posits that “the annual growth rate increases from 1.41% by an additional 0.04% per annum, until reaching a maximum of 5.18% in 2105. The per-decade growth rate thus rises from 17.96% in 2010 to 65.70% in 2114 and thereafter” (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, p. 90). This rate of growth leads to a projected LDS American membership of 106,916,618 by 2100, and a projected LDS American membership of 176,693,348 by 2110 (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, p. 91).

b)     I compared projected LDS membership to the projected American membership of the largest non-LDS American churches for which membership figures were available in the editions Yearbook of American and Canadian Churches for the years 1992 through 2012; I used these figures to calculate the median annual membership change, 1991-2010, for these churches, and I used those change rates (for growth or decline) in projecting those churches’ likely growth year by year through 2120 (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 86, 93; see also pp. 294-296).

c)      The high-growth American model projected LDS membership that was larger than the membership of any non-LDS church by 2010 (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 91, 93).

Note 10: Here’s how I calculated this:

a)     This is a summary of my moderate-growth global model (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 69, 70). The net annual global Mormon growth rate from 1953 through 1956, inclusive, ranged from 4.82% to 4.38%; this was determined by using annual figures for global LDS membership as given in the Deseret News 2012 Church Almanac (2012, pp. 204-205), and calculating change figures from 1952 to 1953, and so forth. The moderate-growth global model starts from a base of 14,441,346 Mormons worldwide in 2011 (“Statistical Report, 2011,” 2012, p. 30). From this base, the moderate-growth global model posits that “the annual Mormon growth rate continues to fall after 2011, reaching 2% by the end of 2013…. The moderate-growth model assumes that LDS growth bounces back slowly: the annual growth rate increases after 2013 by an additional 0.05% per annum, reaching 4% in 2053, and then staying there. The per-decade growth rate would rise from 27.7% in 2010 to 48% by 2062, and hold there from then on” (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, p. 69). This rate of growth leads to a projected LDS global membership of 211,299,979 by 2090 (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, p. 70).

b)     I compared projected LDS membership to the projected global membership of the major Christian groupings reported in the Annual Megacensus of Religion. These groupings include Roman Catholics, Protestants, Independent Christians, Orthodox Christians, and Anglicans. The Annual Megacensus of Religion may be found in the Encyclopedia Brittanica Books of the Year for the period 1991-2011. I used membership figures from this source to calculate the median annual membership change, 2001-2011, for each of these groupings, and I used those change rates (for growth and decline) in projecting these groupings likely growth year by year through 2120 (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 64, 74). However, for the non-LDS groups, I applied a progressive discount to take into consideration falling fertility rates. Specifically (adapting from Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 292-294):

§  For each group, a nominal projected annual growth rate (NPAGR) was defined, based on the group’s median growth rate for 2001-2011.

§  An annual fertility reduction factor (AFRF) was defined annually for 2012-2120, to account for falling fertility rates predicted for the global population at large (United Nations, 2004). This annual fertility reduction factor was defined at 0.75% for 2012, and increased annually thereafter by 0.75% from 2013 through 2120.

§  The applied projected annual growth rate (APAGR) for each religious body was calculated as follows: APAGR = NPAGR * (1 – AFRF). The projected membership figure for any given year was thus equal to APAGR times the previous year’s membership figure (real, in the case of 2011, or projected).

§  The annual fertility reduction factor, or AFRF, was not applied to calculate LDS global membership because LDS growth is overwhelmingly the result of convert baptisms, not so-called ‘natural increase’ (i.e., the births of children to adherents of a given religious body). Global fertility is all but irrelevant to LDS growth. For most other religious bodies, at least on a global scale, natural increase seems to be the primary engine for growth.

c)      The moderate-growth global model projected LDS membership that was larger than the membership of any non-LDS Christian body in the world, excepting only the Roman Catholic Church, by 2090 (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 70, 74, 76-77). This analysis presumes that individual Protestant bodies are considered as separate Christian bodies.

Note 11: Here’s how I calculated this:

a)     This is a summary of my high-growth global model (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 69-70). The median net annual global Mormon growth rate from 1960 through 1969, inclusive, was 5.46%; this was determined by using annual figures for global LDS membership as given in the Deseret News 2012 Church Almanac (2012, pp. 205), and calculating change figures from 1959 to 1960, and so forth. The high-growth global model starts from a base of 14,441,346 Mormons worldwide in 2011 (“Statistical Report, 2011,” 2012, p. 30). From this base, the high-growth global model posits that “the annual Mormon growth rate continues to fall after 2011, reaching 2% by the end of 2013…. The high-growth model assumes that LDS growth bounces back more quickly, and to a higher level, than the moderate-growth model: the annual growth rate begins to rise after 2012 at the rate of an additional 0.1% per annum, reaching a ceiling of 5.5% in 2048, and staying at that level thereafter. The per-decade growth rate would rise from 27.7% in 2010 to 70.8% by 2057, and hold at that level from then on” (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, p. 69). This rate of growth leads to a projected LDS global membership of 2,615,763,633 by 2120 (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, p. 70).

b)     I compared projected LDS membership to the projected global membership of the major non-Christian groups reported in the Annual Megacensus of Religion. These groupings include Muslims, Hindus, Chinese folk religionists, Buddhists, New Religionists, Sikhs, and Jews. The Annual Megacensus of Religion may be found in the Encyclopedia Brittanica Books of the Year for the period 1991-2011. I used membership figures from this source to calculate the median annual membership change, 2001-2011, for each of these groups, and I used those change rates (for growth and decline) in projecting these groupings likely growth year by year through 2120 (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 64, 74). However, for the non-LDS groups, I applied a progressive discount to take into consideration falling fertility rates; for specifics, see Bullet #12 (b) above.

c)      The high-growth global model projected LDS membership that was larger than the membership of any religious body in the world, excepting only Islam, by 2120 (Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 70, 77, 78, 80).

Note 12: (Adapting Koltko-Rivera, 2012, pp. 142-152:) Of American Mormons in 2007 26% had been raised in other faiths—that is, they were converts to the LDS faith (U.S. Religious Landscape Survey: Religious Affiliation, 2008, p. 27). Of American LDS converts, 19.2% had been raised as unaffiliated with any religion (calculated from figures in U.S. Religious Landscape Survey: Religious Affiliation, p. 29: 5% of current LDS who were formerly unaffiliated, divided by the 26% of LDS who are converts, yields 19.2% of LDS converts who were formerly unaffiliated). At the time of this survey, the currently Unaffiliated comprised 16.1% of the American population (U.S. Religious Landscape Survey: Religious Affiliation, 2008, p. 24). Thus, given that 19.2% of LDS converts were formerly unaffiliated, but only 16.1% of the American population is Unaffiliated, this means that the Unaffiliated are overrepresented among LDS converts by a factor of  [(19.2 – 16.1)/16.1] = 0.19254 = 19.3%.
 
Note 13: See Stark (2011), pp. 381-382. Writing of Scandinavia as an example of supposedly secularized Europe, Stark states: “It is absurd to call these secularized societies when what they really are is unchurched” (Stark, 2011, p. 382).
 
Note 14: The LDS membership in Russia at year-end 1999 was 11,092 (Deseret News 2001-2002 Church Almanac, 2000, p. 389). The LDS membership in Russia at year-end 2009 was 20,276 (Deseret News 2011 Church Almanac, 2011, p. 567). The growth rate over the period 1999-2009 was thus equal to [(20,276-11,092)/11,092] = 0.82798 = 82.8%.
 
Note 15: Comparing LDS membership figures for 1999 and 2009 (see Note 14 for sourcing and calculation method), I found that the per-decade growth rate for Honduras was 42.5%, and for Mexico was 41.4%; similarly, I found that the per-decade growth rate for Brazil was 48.4%, for Ecuador was 30.1%, and for Peru was 44.0%.
 
Note 16: Comparing LDS membership figures for 1999 and 2009 (see Note 14 for sourcing and calculation method), I found that the per-decade growth rate for the Democratic Republic of Congo as 188.1%, for Ghana was 136.6%, for Nigeria was 118.8%, for South Africa was 77.0%, and for Zimbabwe was 112.8%.
 
Note 17: There were 98,359 Latter-day Saints in Nigeria at year-end 2010 (Deseret News 2012 Church Almanac, 2012, p. 533). Brigham Young was President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints from 1847 until his death in 1877 (Deseret News 2012 Church Almanac, 2012, p. 96). The total membership of Latter-day Saints worldwide at year-end 1872—25 years into Brigham Young’s tenure—was 98,152, the largest figure for LDS membership up to that time (Deseret News 2012 Church Almanac, 2012, p. 203).
 

References

Deseret News 1974 church almanac. (1974). Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret News.
Deseret News 2001-2002 church almanac. (2000). Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret News.
Deseret News 2011 church almanac. (20113). Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret News.
Deseret News 2012 church almanac. (2012). Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret News.
Koltko-Rivera, Mark. (2012). The rise of the Mormons: Latter-day Saint growth in the 21st century. New York, NY: 7th Street Books. (Book description here; Amazon page here.)
Stark, Rodney. (2005). The rise of Mormonism (Reid L. Neilson, Ed.). New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Stark, Rodney. (2011). The triumph of Christianity: How the Jesus movement became the world’s largest religion. New York, NY: HarperOne/HarperCollins.
 “Statistical report, 2011.” (2012, May). Ensign, p. 30. Accessed online November 9, 2012 at http://media.ldscdn.org/pdf/lds-magazines/ensign-may-2012/2012-05-12-statistical-report-2011-eng.pdf
U.S. religious landscape survey: Religious affiliation: Diverse and dynamic. (2008, February). Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life. Accessed November 9, 2012 at http://religions.pewforum.org/pdf/report-religious-landscape-study-full.pdf
Yearbook of American and Canadian churches: 2012 (Eileen W. Lindner, Ed.). (2012). Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press.

Sunday, November 18, 2012

Mormon "Helping Hands" in the Rockaways

People often ask me why I am a Latter-day Saint. The spirit behind the actions of the people in this video is one of the reasons: http://vimeo.com/53357089 .



Monday, August 20, 2012

My "Short Form" Response to Adam Gopnik

Perusal of the online edition of the latest issue of The New Yorker indicates that the editors decided not to print any part of my letter responding to Adam Gopnik's recent article on Mormonism. The text of my submission to The New Yorker follows:


            Adam Gopnik has written an eloquent hatchet job of a profile of the Latter-day Saint faith.

             Gopnik’s inaccuracies about the Mormons’ signature scripture, the Book of Mormon, are so numerous that it is clear he has not read with any care the book on which he expostulates. For example, despite what Gopnik states, the book is not at all about “lost tribes of Israel” (a common misconception, often repeated in anti-Mormon literature). Contra Gopnik, Jesus’s appearance in the New World—the centerpiece of the Book of Mormon—is indeed foreshadowed in the New Testament (see John 10:16; in the Book of Mormon, see 3 Nephi 15:21). Most bizarrely, Gopnik states that the Book of Mormon claims that Jesus appeared to ancient Americans in Missouri, which is utterly untrue; the source of this claim may be Andrew Sullivan’s column in The Daily Beast of October 25, 2011, but this is hardly an authoritative source about Mormonism. One could go on. None of Gopnik’s inaccuracies appear in Paul C. Gutjahr’s The Book of Mormon: A Biography, which Gopnik references, so one can only conclude that Gopnik got his mistaken “facts” from poorly written secondary sources, or even trashy anti-Mormon literature, that he does not reference. This is just sloppy research practice for a writer.

             Gopnik’s position is that the Latter-day Saints “venerate” the Book of Mormon rather than either focusing on its actual teachings, or using it to lead to the conversion of the people who read it. Gopnik could not possibly be more wrong, as even superficial investigation would have revealed to him.

            The very day before my issue of The New Yorker with Gopnik’s essay arrived, I taught a session of the adult Sunday School class that most observant Mormons attend in LDS congregations around the world, held in this case at the Lincoln Center LDS meetinghouse in Manhattan. Unfortunately for Gopnik’s position, the focus of the entire 2012 adult curricular year worldwide is the Book of Mormon. On this particular Sunday, we spent the better part of an hour focusing on but three chapters of the scripture (Alma 40-42), occupying ourselves with what the Book of Mormon says in these chapters about the atonement of Jesus Christ, the spirit world after death, the future physical resurrection, and the nature of the final judgment—concerning which, the distinctively LDS teachings would have gotten us all burnt at the stake in medieval Europe. This same week, my son, Elder Viktor Koltko, serving as an LDS missionary in Latvia, taught missionaries in two Baltic countries how non-Mormons can use the teachings of the Book of Mormon to learn directly from God that this book’s teachings, and the LDS Church’s claims to possess living prophets, are true; as I type these words, he is teaching missionaries in yet a third country the same message. Despite Gopnik’s claims, the Book of Mormon is no mere “venerated” object to the Latter-day Saints, and specifically Mormon beliefs matter greatly to contemporary Mormons.

          So Gopnik finds the Book of Mormon boring; that’s his privilege. But each year thousands of non-Mormons worldwide find the book so interesting that they devour its message and are baptized Latter-day Saints. I’ve known people to take personal or vacation days off from work to read it; I myself took a personal retreat during my summer vacation to do so. Why? The attraction of the book for us is not its “Americanness,” as Gopnik has it; rather, the book has startlingly clear, important, distinctive things to say about many issues that are rather vaguely treated in other Christian churches’ teachings, such as the topics I addressed in my Sunday School class; many Saints find that the teachings of the Book of Mormon simply help them become better people. Readers of The New Yorker may obtain a copy and decide for themselves what value its teachings may have in their lives, whether or not they ever decide to become Latter-day Saints themselves. (Free hard copies of the Book of Mormon may be requested at mormon.org, or one may read it for free online.)

             Gopnik states that “mainstream Protestants couldn’t embrace [Mormonism], and couldn’t understand it.” That was not true in the 19th century, nor is it true today, when 50% of those converting to Mormonism in the United States are Protestant, according to the Pew Research Center’s U.S. Religious Landscape Survey: Religious Affiliation (2008, calculated from data on p. 29).

           Gopnik states that Mormonism “has become a denomination within the bigger creed of commerce” (a further stereotype repeated recently by Bloomberg BusinessWeek). The day before my Sunday School lesson, I and some other Saints each donated a couple of hours of labor, distributing food to the poor at the Manhattan Bishop’s Storehouse, a place that serves both Mormons and non-Mormons. Each year, the LDS Church donates millions of dollars in goods, and millions of hours of labor, in domestic and international disaster relief and other charitable work, almost entirely to help non-Mormons. For example, 130,000 LDS volunteers in Brazil recently spent time over the course of five months to store 500 tons of food to help people in over 150 cities. Gopnik dismisses Mormonism as a “cult” and a “strange faith,” but this type of Christian service is far more important to the Saints, and far more central to their faith, than any of the trivial commercial interests that Gopnik mentions. For centuries, Jews have been stereotyped as being a people whose religion and culture focus on commerce; this stereotyping is contemptible, and it is equally contemptible when applied to Mormons.

            Gopnik implies that Brigham Young, the LDS Church’s second president, was somehow responsible for the Mountain Meadows Massacre, stating that “Young was in power at the time.” By that logic, one could infer that U.S. President and military Commander-in-Chief Obama was somehow responsible for the recent shootings of Sikhs in Wisconsin by a U.S. military veteran—a claim which plainly would be madness. John G. Turner, whose book, Brigham Young: Pioneer Prophet, Gopnik references, recently stated in a podcast on the Harvard University Press website that the evidence exonerates Young—a fact that Gopnik declines to mention. Gopnik’s implication is deeply unfair, both to Young’s legacy and to the Mormon people generally.

            Gopnik began his essay, perversely, by speaking of stereotypes as “sanctuaries as much as [jail] cells.” His essay does much to make various aspects of the popular culture’s distorted stereotype of Mormonism seem true. As an adjunct professor of psychology at various colleges, I have taught the dangers of stereotyping; as a Mormon, I very much feel myself put into a cultural cell or ghetto by the stereotypes that Gopnik perpetuates.

—Mark Koltko-Rivera, Ph.D.

The author writes the blog “The Manhattan Mormon™.” In 2006 he was given the Margaret Gorman Early Career Award in the Psychology of Religion from a division of the American Psychological Association. His newest book, The Rise of the Mormons, is forthcoming in late August.

Tuesday, August 14, 2012

Church Newsroom Responds to Gopnik Article in The New Yorker

I shall be continuing with my own series on this blog concerning Adam Gopnik's hatchet job of an article on the Church. In the meantime, however, I thought readers would be interested in reading the Church's response to Gopnik's article on its Newsroom site.

The Church has a Newsroom blog, "Mormonism in the News | Getting it Right," updated pretty much every business day; it's worth checking daily, as the blog reviews recent publications in print and online. In the "Getting It Wrong" section of the post for August 10th, we read the following:

Getting It Wrong

The New Yorker: Exclusively secular lens fails to understand faith traditions and Mormonism on its own terms

Adam Gopnik’s 5,200-word essay on Latter-day Saints and the Book of Mormon assumes a secular world view that largely fails to consider religion, let alone Mormonism, on its own terms. In spite of the potential to explore the history, doctrine, or social and cultural settings behind The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in a balanced way, this article emerges as another politicized and overly simplistic treatment of religion. This bias, readily manifest in comments like labeling Mormonism a “strange faith,” calling the Book of Mormon and sacred texts “[so] boring [that they] could have been inspired only by the breath of God” and with blanket assertions about Latter-day Saints’ lack of “critical intelligence,” among other glib quips, prevents Gopnik from offering a more thoughtful analysis of what Mormonism is about and why it persists today.

Perhaps measured and balanced analysis, however, is not the intent of this style of essay; but readers would benefit from considering the Church’s own position on such themes as revelation or doctrine or fiscal self-sufficiency. The totalizing statements and reductive summaries of faith traditions in general, shortchange what could’ve been a good platform for furthering the dialogue and understanding of the Mormon faith.

(End of quote)

Well put, in my opinion. I'll have more to say about Gopnik's article in forthcoming posts.

Wednesday, August 8, 2012

The Place of the Book of Mormon in Today’s LDS Faith (Response to Adam Gopnik’s “I, Nephi,” Part 2



[Note: One may find the table of contents for this series in this earlier post.]

In his recent New Yorker article on Mormonism, Adam Gopnik has a lot to say about the Book of Mormon. However, what he has to say about this LDS scripture is deeply flawed. Gopnik repeats several timeworn fallacies about the Book of Mormon, and introduces one or two that even I had never heard of before; I plan to address several of these fallacies in future posts in this series.

However, in this post, I wish to address a broader issue: Gopnik’s sense of the place of the Book of Mormon in today’s LDS faith. Gopnik makes some claims about how both early and modern Mormonism have viewed the Book of Mormon, claims that sound learned and insightful—and that are yet wildly off-base. Gopnik’s facts are often inaccurate, and his analysis, being on a very shaky foundation, winds up producing as false a thesis as one could possibly produce, regarding the place that the Book of Mormon has in the LDS faith.

Misperceptions about the Book of Mormon are important to correct, for a couple of reasons. The doctrinal teachings of the Book of Mormon are central to the LDS faith; not for nothing did the first LDS prophet, Joseph Smith, call the Book of Mormon “the keystone of our religion.” Beyond that, the Book of Mormon is often involved in the conversion journeys of individual converts (as it certainly was in mine); if people do not understand how the LDS faith really looks at the Book of Mormon, it is possible that this could interfere with people’s acceptance of the LDS faith.

Gopnik takes the position that the Saints look upon the Book of Mormon as some kind of revered, almost totemic object, rather than as a source of teaching. Writing of the early Mormon converts, Gopnik claims this:

The powers that possession of the Book of Mormon conferred mattered more than the doctrines that it contained. “Rarely did missionaries draw on the verses and stories of the Book of Mormon in sermons,” [Matthew] Bowman explains [in his recent book, The Mormon People]. “Rather, they brandished the book as tangible proof of Joseph Smith’s divine calling.” Some holy texts, the Gospels, for instance, are evangelical instruments meant to convert people who read them; others are sacred objects meant to be venerated. The Book of Mormon is a book of the second sort. As the French religious historian Jean-Christophe Attias points out, in traditional Judaism the physical presence of the Scripture is at least as important as its content: when the Torah is unrolled during the service, it’s meant to be admired, not apprehended. That the Mormons had a book of their own counted for almost as much as what the Book of Mormon said.  (p. 80)

Gopnik makes similar claims elsewhere in his article, regarding the supposed degree to which Mormon teachings are simply not what make the Mormon people. Early in his article, comparing the LDS minions of the late Howard Hughes to the Scandinavian bodyguards of the Byzantine emperors, Gopnik claims that “the details of their religious viewws had nothing to do with the social role they played” (p. 78). Of the autobiography of Joanna Brooks, titled The Book of Mormon Girl, Gopnik writes:

Yet how much do specifically Mormon beliefs matter to contemporary Mormons? Brooks’s story, give or take a Nephite or two, could unfold in any fundamentalist community that provides comfort and meaning if you’re prepared to park your critical intelligence in the lot outside the church door. She writes, often quite movingly, of the persistent ambivalence of her feelings about her natal faith, but any strayed member of a tight community of believers feels this way about it. Nephi, the Lamanites, the approaching apocalypse in Missouri—these things hardly come up [i.e., in Brooks’ narrative--MEKR]. What resonates for her is the Mormon elder who said that heavy-metal music had secret satanic codes—the same preacher you find in any fundamentalist camp. These stories of attachment and repulsion are being played out in or around Hasidic communities in Brooklyn every day, and surely, for that matter, among Sikhs and Jains in Queens, too. This is the story of faith, not of Joseph Smith’s faith. The allegiance is to the community that nurtured you, and it is bolstered by the community’s history of persecution, which makes you understandably inclined to defend its good name against all comers. It isn’t the truth of the Book, or the legends of Nephi, that undergird Mormon solidarity even among lapsed or wavering believers; it’s the memories of what other people were prepared to do in order to prevent your parents from believing. A critique of the creed, even a rational one, feels like an assault on the community. (pp. 84-85)

There is much to be said about these passages (including Gopnik’s gratuitous swipe at the Mormon intellect, his confusion regarding what ‘fundamentalism’ means, and his inability to distinguish folk religious beliefs from ‘real’ religion), but for now let us concern ourselves with this question of Gopnik’s: “How much do specifically Mormon beliefs matter to contemporary Mormons?” In particular, how much do specific beliefs from the Book of Mormon matter to contemporary Mormons?

Gopnik quotes Matthew Bowman correctly. However, Gopnik misunderstands the meaning of these words. Bowman’s words regarding Mormon missionary work in the 1830s are as follows:

Indeed, rarely did missionaries draw on the verses and stories of the Book of Mormon in sermons: it was not to them a source of doctrine. Rather, they brandished the book as tangible proof of Joseph Smith’s divine calling, the reopening of the heavens, and the inauguration of the dispensation in the fullness of time. (Bowman, 2012, p. 40)

Bowman’s point is that missionaries preaching to potential converts did not use specific verses in the Book of Mormon to convince people of the truth of the Mormon faith; Mormon missionaries did not use Book of Mormon verses to establish doctrine to potential converts.
Indeed, a moment’s thought shows that it would have been monumentally stupid for Mormon missionaries to attempt to preach most Book of Mormon teachings for the sake of facilitating conversion: for most potential converts, the Book of Mormon was hardly common ground between the two parties to this discourse—the missionaries, on the one hand, and the potential convert, on the other—which is a prerequisite for any kind of discourse. Rather, the Mormon missionaries of this era, who were basically preaching to other Christians, appealed to the Bible to establish the truth of Mormonism’s doctrines, because the Bible is a scripture that Mormonism holds in common with other forms of Christianity.

Early missionaries, like LDS missionaries today, used the Book of Mormon as evidence that God speaks to prophets in modern times, specifically to Joseph Smith; the missionaries then challenged their potential converts to follow the procedure set out in the promise of Moroni in the Book of Mormon (Moroni 10:3-5) to gain personal revelation from God that Joseph Smith was a true prophet. So much is demonstrated by the historical research of such scholars as Steven C. Harper (2000, pp. 104-106), whom Bowman references in his book. Harper notes the following about some of the earliest Mormon converts (omitting all his footnotes):
The Murdocks and other converts relied heavily on scriptural precedent [i.e., precedent from the Christian Bible] as proof. Those who became Mormons were almost always first contemplative Bible believers who were skeptical of false prophets. They considered it reasonable that signs would follow true believers, and they held out for empirical confirmation. Dozens of primary accounts of early Mormon conversions emphasize this pattern. (Harper, 2000, p. 104)
The missionaries taught potential converts that God's everlasting covenant had been taught by God to Adam and handed down via the prophets throughout the Old Testament until its terms were fulfilled through the atonement of Christ. It had been taught in purity among the first Christians but lost in centuries of apostasy that followed. It appeared both reasonable and biblical that God would restore the ancient order of things by sending new scripture, calling new prophets, and sending new signs to believers. It was from within this intellectual framework that John Greene wrote from his missionary assignment in Canada:

I... showed the gospel as it was in the beginning: also in the days of the apostles, and in the present day: being careful to compare the Jews’ religion with the apostles’, and also the religion of the many sects of this day with the [ancient] Corinthian and Ephesian churches; and then giving them the testimony of the New and Everlasting Covenant, as established in these last days: being confirmed by many infallible proofs, both human and divine— the Lord himself speaking from the heavens unto men who were now living!

This blend of infallible proofs, both human and divine, that Greene thought should convert Canadians, included, as we have seen, appeals to the rational coupled with accounts of miracles and gifts received by Mormons as in the ancient church. This argument satisfied the revelatory and empirical longings of converts at once, convincing them that Joseph Smith and his followers possessed the same attributes as the first Christians by a deductive process that was simultaneously analytical and faithful.

Harper continues, regarding the role of the Book of Mormon in this process:

The greatest aid in this effort, and the component that most distinguished Joseph Smith from the many other would-be prophets of his day, was the Book of Mormon, which Smith offered to the world as evidence that the primitive Christian gospel had been authoritatively restored and that he was the instrument of its reestablishment. Klaus Hansen has written of early convert Brigham Young “and all those who were not converted by the personal magnetism of Joseph, it was the Book of Mormon, more than any other vehicle, that convinced him of the truthfulness of Smith’s claims.” (Harper, 2000, pp. 105-106)

            For people who have become members of the LDS Church, the Book of Mormon then takes on an added significance, as a source of doctrinal teaching. The evidence of this is found in hundreds of sermons emerging from the early years of Mormonism, and it certainly is true today. (See, for example, President Henry B. Eyring’s First Presidency Message in the September 2010 issue of the Ensign magazine: “The Book of Mormon as a Personal Guide.”)

            By odd coincidence, the day before I received my copy of The New Yorker with Gopnik’s article, I taught a session of the Gospel Doctrine class in my ward’s Sunday School (as a substitute for the regular teacher). As many readers of this post will know, the Gospel Doctrine class is the class that most observant adult members of the LDS Church attend weekly, in LDS congregations around the world; in addition, many readers will know that the focus of the 2012 curricular year worldwide happens to be—surprise!—the Book of Mormon. So it was that I led a discussion last Sunday at the Manhattan First Ward regarding, within the Book of Mormon, the Book of Alma, chapters 40-42. We considered Book of Mormon teachings on the atonement of Jesus Christ, the spirit world to which we shall go after death, the nature of the future resurrection, the basis of the final judgment, and our subsequent assignments to different types of reward.

            These same topics were discussed in LDS adult Gospel Doctrine Sunday School classes in thousands upon thousands of LDS congregations across the face of the Earth. (Just a reminder: next week we all discuss Alma, chapters 43-52.) If evidence like this, Elder Eyring’s message, and sermons in each semi-annual LDS General Conference, do not demonstrate that specifically Mormon teachings—and, specifically Book of Mormon teachings—are important to today’s Saints, I don’t know what could.
            But wait—there’s more. The adult Gospel Doctrine Sunday School curriculum proceeds on a four-year cycle. During the first year, the Saints study the Old Testament—but enhanced by material revealed through Joseph Smith and found in the scriptural book, the Pearl of Great Price. During the second year, the Saints study the New Testament—again, enhanced by material found in the Pearl of Great Price and the Joseph Smith Translation of the Bible. During the third year (2012, this time around), the Saints study the Book of Mormon. During the fourth year, the Saints study modern revelation in the Doctrine & Covenants. Thus, in each year, at least some specifically Mormon content is studied by the adults of the Church, and during two years, specifically Mormon content is the major focus of study.

            In sum, as I have demonstrated, Gopnik is simply wrong on this subject. Specifically Mormon beliefs are very important to today’s Saints, including in particular such beliefs as they are found in the Book of Mormon. The Book of Mormon is not merely some sort of totemic object of reverence among the Saints; Mormons look to it for meaty doctrine, as well. (Pace vegetarians.)

REFERENCES

Bowman, Matthew. (2012). The Mormon people: The making of an American faith. New York, NY: Random House.

Eyring Henry B. (2010, September). The Book of Mormon as a personal guide. Ensign, pp. 4-5. Online at http://www.lds.org/ensign/2010/09/the-book-of-mormon-as-a-personal-guide

Gopnik, Adam. (2012, August 13 & 20). I, Nephi: Mormonism and its meanings. The New Yorker, pp. 78-86. Online at http://www.newyorker.com/arts/critics/atlarge/2012/08/13/120813crat_atlarge_gopnik

Harper, Steven C. (2000, Winter). Infallible proofs, both human and divine: The persuasiveness of Mormonism for early converts. Religion and American Culture, 10, 99-118.

[Readers of this blog are invited to become official “followers” through the box above and to the side.]
Copyright © 2012 Mark E. Koltko-Rivera. All Rights Reserved.
[The image of the Book of Mormon was retrieved from Wikipedia. It is reputedly in the public domain.]

Response to Adam Gopnik's "I, Nephi": Introduction to the Series


The August 13 & 20, 2012, issue of The New Yorker magazine (cover pictured) features an article by a leading cultural critic, Adam Gopnik, titled “I, Nephi: Mormonism and Its Meanings.” The New Yorker has long been renowned for the thoughtfulness and depth of its analysis of social and cultural issues. Having heard in advance that the magazine was soon to feature a piece on Mormonism by staff writer Gopnik, I was eager to open my issue of the magazine, which arrived in my mailbox on Monday, August 6th.

I could not have been more disappointed. Gopnik calls the LDS Church a “cult” and a “strange faith,” without ever defining his terms. His article is full of inaccuracies about the Book of Mormon and its place within today’s LDS faith. Gopnik seems to have bought into the ‘it’s-all-about-the-money’ approach to Mormonism promoted by a recent article in Bloomberg BusinessWeek, and he furthers that approach as a way to interpret the inner meanings of Mormonism. Just to list everything inaccurate and objectionable about Gopnik’s article would take up a long blog post. The magazine’s online audio podcast of Gopnik discussing his article with two other New Yorker staffers (Avi Steinberg and Sasha Weiss) did nothing to improve Gopnik’s accuracy or the depth of his analysis.

I have composed a response to Gopnik’s article in the form of a letter to the editor, a response which already has been submitted to the magazine. (If it is not published, I shall make it available as part of this blog series.) However, the size limitations on letters to the editor are quite constricting. Gopnik’s article, because of the stature of The New Yorker (and its one-million-plus paid circulation), and because of Gopnik’s stature as a writer and cultural critic, will carry a lot of weight with educated opinion makers throughout the United States; consequently, the many inaccuracies of fact and miscarriages of interpretation contained in Gopnik’s article will be widely spread throughout American culture, and should be addressed in detail.

For these reasons, I will be running a series of posts in response to Gopnik’s article on this blog, over the next few weeks. For convenience, I will treat this post as an anchor and a sort of table of contents for the entire series; below, you will find links to the various posts in this series. I invite you, the reader, to be a part of this conversation, through the Comment feature on each post.

Posts in this Series: Response to Adam Gopnik’s “I, Nephi”

Part 1: Introduction to the Series (this post)


[Readers of this blog are invited to become official “followers” through the box above and to the side.]

Copyright © 2012 Mark E. Koltko-Rivera. All Rights Reserved.

[The image of the cover of The New Yorker issue of August 13 & 20, 2012, was obtained from the website of the magazine.]

Sunday, July 1, 2012

Mass Public Statement of LDS Faith



Introduction and Instructions

The American news media seem to be making a big deal about the so-called "mass resignation" from the LDS Church held on Saturday 30 June 2012, where 150 individuals signed petitions resigning from the Church. (This, out of an LDS American membership of over six million, and a world membership of over 14 million.)

This blog post is an opportunity for faithful Latter-day Saints to make a public statement of their testimonies and support for the LDS Church.

If you agree with the Declaration below, please feel free to "sign" it through a Comment. Please use only your real name. If you feel so moved, please add a physical location or even a ward, although this is purely optional. Only people 18 years or older may sign the declaration.

Please be aware that things you say on the Internet might be in the public record, as it were, for a long, long time. Only sign this Declaration if you really mean it with all your heart and mind.

Because this is not a regular blog post, critical comments will be deleted.

Declaration

We the undersigned do declare and testify the following:
  1. I am a baptized member of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and I am at least 18 years of age.
  2. I believe that Jesus is the Christ, the only begotten Son of God, and that He lives today and rules on the right hand of the Father.
  3. I believe that Joseph Smith was a prophet of God.
  4. I believe that, through angelic messengers, God bestowed upon Joseph Smith the true priesthood of God.
  5. I believe that the Book of Mormon is a historically true record of prophets of God in the Western hemisphere.
  6. I believe that The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is "the only true and living church upon the face of the whole earth" (Doctrine and Covenants 1:30).
  7. I believe that Thomas S. Monson is a living prophet of God.
  8. I recognize that this Church includes many imperfect people, and that some Church policies may change from time to time, reflecting, in part, the understanding of the Gospel that in any mere humans may increase over time, as well as further light and truth revealed by God.
  9. I invite all people to inquire of God to know for themselves through the Holy Spirit whether these things that I have testified are true, for "by the power of the Holy Ghost ye may know the truth of all things" (Book of Mormon, Moroni 10:5).

SIGNED:
  • Mark Edward Koltko-Rivera, New York City (LDS congregation: Manhattan First Ward, New York New York Stake)